From Brazil I came to Paris in 1932. I stayed there for about two years and revived my old contacts and established new ones. From here I went to Switzerland. Syed Zia-ud-din was there for reasons of health. In Paris I met Madame Cama; Shyamji Krishan was not there. She had her face distorted- When I went to see her, she wanted to know my name before coming out to meet me. When she came to know that it was I who wanted to see her, she came out immediately. From her I came to know as to how some Indians had threatened her while alone at pistol points to make her part with her money. She also related to me how she had suffered during the war. While in Paris I ment Dr.Sir. Mohd.Iqbal
From Switzerland I went to Berlin, where I met Subhash Chandra who had come to Berlin for the first time. He met me in the house of Pillai. I went there to watch and masses was being done, how the full employment scheme how the Jews were being annihilated and how enemies were being got rid off. The Germans believed in their race superiority. They were preparing for the war, and thought that this time they would be able to conquer the whole world.
'Boycott of the Jews was complete, I stayed in Germany for three years. From here I went to Switzerland where I stayed for two years. In Switzerland I was in touch with, many diplomats and members of the League of Nations. The Germans were proud. Piliai wrote to Hitler asking him that India was waiting to know whether he still adhere to his opinion expressed as an author, or that now that he was a statesman in power he had changed his ideas towards India. Hitler did not reply, but sent his Secretary to Pillai. The Secretary said that the Fueherer was very sympathetic towards India and the Indians. In the absence
of a reply to the first letter. Piliai wrote a second letter, All sorts of courtesy was shown to him. He was taken free to hotels, dances, cinemas but no reply was sent to him. He wrote another letter saying if he did not get reply his countrymen would take it that Hitler did not hold the same opinion about India which he had expressed in Mein Kumpf, His insistence to have a reply cost him his life. No reply came, but some young Nazi gave poor Piliai a belaboring in Berlin, as a result of which he fell ill and later died.
From Switzerland I went to Italy—Naples. Here in Naples I came in contact with the German Consul-General, He had been to India. I had a talk with him about the Indians helping thereby thwarting the British effort to raise armies from India and use her armies against Germany in the war, as also to free India from British yoke which would indirectly help Germany in winning war. He waste to his Government explaining to them my plans, and suggesting the desirability of creating connections right now which would be useful and helpful when war broke out. Two persons from Berlin were sent to meet me and it was arranged that we should communicate with each other through a Director of a German news agency in Rome. They enquired of me names of some other persons who could be helpful in this respect, and I suggested to them the name of Mr. Mohd. Iqbal
Sbaidai.Von Hentig, who was in Afghanistan during the war of 1914-18 was sent to him. I also gave them names of persons in America whom they could contact with advantage.
* Nothing definite, however, resulted from talks and negotiations because the Germans were too proud and confident of their victory in the coming war.
I was in Naples when the Second World War broke out. I used to broad cast over the radio in Hindustani and also in Persian, and these broadcasts were directed to India and Persia. I remained in Naples till Italy entered the war. Then I went to Rome. In Naples the University authorities asked me to become professor of Persian, and this I did. To start with, there was no one to speak in Hindustani and I undertook this work, but later when others who could speak came, I shifted this responsibility to them. It helped me to transmit my code phrases to the people in Amercia and in India. In Italy I had formed a Friends of India Society in which Mussolini and the King were much interested. Grey was the President of the Society. He was also the President of the Fascist Parliament. I was Vice-president and Mohd. Iqbal Shaidai was the General Secretary. Prominent Indians made speeches at the meetings of this Society, Nambiar from Berlin and Bose also visited this society. Bose, how ever, could not speak as he was unwell. This society was formed to be used as a foundation of permanent relations between India and Italy—cultural, commercial, political. We used to explain situation in India and that the British were ruining India.
While in Naples I heard some one speak on radio in a language which contained some words of Hindustani, Sanskrit etc. On enquiry I came to know he was Padre Silva, a
Goanese. He used to speak from Rome. I went there, as I was desirous of getting hold of some radio to speak to India. I asked him the reason for his speaking in Hindustani. He replied they wanted to Favour him and also allot time to Pope to speak to India and he was doing on his behalf. On return I made my desire known to the Principal of Naples College, where I was a Professor of Persian. He wrote to the Radio department to engage some capable man who could speak Hindustani fluently.
They wrote back that they would be glad to engage him if he knew someone who could speak Hindustani fluently, and I availed myself of this opportunity. I had to go to Rome to make Speeches and I found it inconvenient. So arrangement was made to relay my speeches from Naples. It was done on the occasion of Hitler's visit to Naples when the entire European press was present there. I used to speak in Hindustani and Persian. I suggested that dramas should be staged every week both in Hindustani and Persian. My radio speeches and dramas helped in mobilising for us soldiers for Azad Hind Fauj. These speeches were heard by Indian soldiers in Africa. Some Indian soldiers approached the Germans and requested them to take them over to Europe for the purpose of forming Azad Hind Fauj. They wanted to take them to Berlin but they (Indian soldiers) said that
they would [go] to Rome from [where] Sardar Ajit Singh used to speak on radio. These soldiers brought British secret codes with them.
Later on Shaidai was expelled from Switzerland and he too joined me. Prior to this Shaidai had been expelled from France, and it was done under a subterfuge. The Afghan Consul-General had said that his life was in danger so long as Shaidai was there, and that Shaidai was a Fascist. It was 1935. From Switzerland he was expelled during the war. When he asked the authorities as to why he was being expelled from Switzerland, he was told that he could not stay there. Thereupon he engaged a lawyer to fight his case. The lawyer was informed by the authorities that Shaidai was a dangerous communist and a fast friend of Nicole, head of Communists in Switzerland. His defence counsel on getting this information from the authorities got enraged and there was exchange of hot words between him and Shaidai. Shaidai told him that he had no connections whatsoever with Nicole. Then the counsel asked him why he wanted to stay in Switzerland, and he replied this was for reasons of health. He thereupon was examined by doctors who reported that he was enjoying a perfect health, and thus Shaidai had to leave Switzerland. But before leaving he wrote to Germany and Italy if he could come to these countries and stay there. Italian reply reached him first and he left for Italy. It is this Shaidai who used to speak from Himalaya Radio, a radio in India House in Rome.
When the first batch of Indian prisoners arrived in Italy, Shaidai and myself went to meet them and tried to have their complaints redressed. We asked them not to waste their time as prisoners, but start learning to read and write as most of them were illiterate. We appointed a teacher to teach them Hindustani, and the result was that in few weeks they were able to read and write—in fact with their own hands they wrote letters home. We also appointed a colonel, named Tabasani, to give them military training. It was from that moment that we had the idea of forming Azad Hind Fauj but it took us some time before we could give practical shape to our plan. For this purpose Mohd. Iqbal Shaidai had to fly to "North Africa, where there were big concentration camps of Indian prisoners.
He visited all these camps, made speeches there, collected these people, explained to them what their duty was that it was incumbent on them to fight for the liberty of their own country. At first very few people responded to the call but later a large number of them presented themselves, and he returned full of hopes saying that there were thousand of people ready to join the national army. My broadcasts in Hindustani directed towards these soldiers were also helpful in this behalf. It was decided to hurry up their removal to the continent and the big camp of Avesano, the biggest in Europe during the last war, was chosen for Indian prisoners of war. Shaidai and myself used to visit this camp twice a week to see these people, to make speeches and to ask them to make speeches. Enthusiasm among them was increasing every day. More than 10,000, insisting to be trained and be sent to serve their country. Here we started giving them training. German and Italis officers were appointed, each one of them specialised in his own branch, Special uniforms were made for them, and a free India flag was flying on their barracks. They showed much enthusiasm in getting military training. When asked to learn parachute operations almost all of them offered themselves, but it was impossible to take them all. About 180 soldiers were chosen to be given this training and they were taken to a place where they could practice throwing themselves from the air, and they did this with such courage and enthusiasm that the German and the Italian officers I showed great admiration for their spirit and courage. When Bose came to Rome from India this was already in existence and he was glad to see it. On his arrival in Berlin he also thought of organising an army there. In the beginning he had great difficulties as he told me on his second visit to Rome. He said that with much effort and much work he could only raise an army of some 25 soldiers, and asked me how we succeeded to enlist so many. I said he should not feel discouraged. We had the facility of speaking Hindustani to Punjabis, this is the language which most of these soldiers understood and as he could speak Hindustani pretty well he would soon be able to win over a large number of them. When he met me again he had become optimistic and informed me that he had been successful in organising one battalion. Later when Mussolini was arrested13, the Germans transferred Indian prisoners from Italy. Our treaty with Italy was that these Indian soldiers would only fight against the British on Indian soil and nowhere else. The Italians honored the treaty but when these prisoners were taken over by Germany on the downfall and arrest of Mussolini they did not honor the treaty and there was trouble.
I left Rome in 1943 when Marshal Badogilo11 became head of the Italian Government. He wanted me to speak on the radio against Mussolini. But I refused to do so. Then he asked me to speak against Fascism and this I agreed to do. Even in my talks against Fascism, I used to twist the talk to enable me to speak against the English whom I used to describe as the worst Fascists. Marshal Badoglio did not approve of it. It was in August 1943 that I gave my last talk over radio, and then I stopped it. I was in Riccione when Marshal Badoglio surrendered. On getting this news I hurried to cross over to German zone to avoid falling in the hands of the British. I took a train to Boulogne but the train did not reach Boulogne and I had to walk some 16 miles to reach Boulogne. There I saw the Germans disarming the Italian armies. From there I went to Venice where the Government had been transferred. I returned to Rome when Mussolini was rescued by Hitler and installed as head of the Italian Government. From here I again went to Venice where I remained for about 8 or 9 months and then I went to Milan.
It was in Milan, after the war was over, on May 2nd that I was arrested. Mohd. Iqbal Shaidai was, however, able to escape. I was sent to an Italian camp where I remained for about two weeks. There the military guards used to tell me that I would be shot for my broadcasts against the British, When I told them that I did not care for my life, and was prepared to face any danger, they asked me why was I so much against the British. I replied they were fascists who had been fighting the war under the cloak of preserving civilisation but who were keeping a great part of humanity under slavery. These British guards had the impression that India was now free, and that there was no ground for me to be against the British. They thought the Viceroy in India was only a constitutional head like the king. But when I told them that it was not so and that the Viceroy in India could veto the decision of the legislature and disregard the advice of his council, they felt surprised and said that it was a news for them. I told them that it was false propaganda that| was being carried on, and, in fact, India was still a slave country.
When I was arrested I was told by Major Fielding, who arrested me that I would be taken to the Governor, an American Military officer, but it did not happen. I was brought to a British camp, although I protested that my health could not stand life in a concentration camp. I showed him medicines and doctor's advice. In the camp health became worse and I was much pulled down. It was a closed camp. From here I was moved along with certain high Italian officials to an open camp, another British camp. On reaching there we came to know that all of us could not be kept there due to shortage of accommodation. So we were taken to an American camp. The Commandant of the camp, an American military officer, had a chat with me on the very first day of my arrival there. I said I was very glad that I was in an American camp; the Americans were lovers of liberty and that I was also a victim of being lover of my country and a fighter for its liberty. This impressed the Commandant. After a few days, one morning the Commandant came to me and asked me to get ready to leave with him. I collected my luggage and left the camp with him in his car. On reaching a city he left me there and said that I was free and could go anywhere I liked. I went to a hotel to take meals and to stay there for the day, as the
train I wanted to catch was to leave in the evening. Leaving me there the Commandant returned to the camp. On reaching he found that the British had telephoned him that
they were coming to take me away. The Britishers reached the camp with a lorry, and the Commandant brought them to the hotel where he had left me. When they came I was taking my lunch and (they) took me back. The Commandant had seen the papers with me and he asked me to destroy these papers, they might bring trouble to me, but I did not act on his advice. These papers contained information about my bitterness against the British and my activities against them. It happened that these papers brought trouble to me where ever I went while in detention.
The food in the first camp in Milan where I was arrested was hopeless and very meager. The Mayor of Milan was also in the same camp and my misfortune was alleviating to some extent by his hospitality. He used to share his food with me since he was getting his food from his house. The doctors in that camp were not in. possession of any medicines
barring purgatives.
From the Amercian camp I was taken to another camp. On arrival there I was taken to the office, and all my luggage was searched and the entire luggage was taken possession of by the authorities after giving me a regular receipt. A Jew boy who had taken charge of my papers took out my radio speeches and began reading them. He found reference
therein about President Roosevelt17 and his being a descendant of Spaniard Jews, he thought that the material was against the Jews. This was also an American camp. Here
I stayed only for a day. Next day I was taken to another camp, some 90 miles north of a British internee camp. First night they made me sleep on the ground in a cell, and later I was taken to another cell where the greater part of the people were foreigners Germans and Yugoslavs.
After a few days E.M. Grey, the President of the Friends of India Society, was brought there as a prisoner. On recognizing me he said that the President and the Vice- President of the Friends of India Society were both there ; they could open a session and make speeches. It was said and done. The prisoners were glad to hear our speeches and afterwards we used to hold two or three meetings every week where speeches about India and Italy were delivered, their old relations cultural and others. It was very interesting to note how the British in Italy were showing sympathy towards Fascists and enmity onwards Communists. There in the camp I came across a newspaper wherein I read news about India becoming a free land. I wrote a letter to Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru and enquired if it was true, that all Indians should march hand in hand, and that he and Mr. Jinnah should march together wishing good luck to Bharat Mata.
I wrote a letter to the Commandant and enquired who was in possession of my boxes, because 1 wanted to take out some books and clothes. I stated that Major Fielding had
taken keys of my boxes. The Commandant never replied to my letter. Here in this camp there was a canteen from where fresh fruits, food articles and live olive as also magazines and newspapers could be bought. I stayed in this camp for 50 days and here my health improved : I enjoyed my stay here.
Just before my removal from this camp an Indian lady, Sita Devi, was brought there. On coming to know that I was there, she sent me a word saying that she would like to talk to me. Immediately on receipt of her message I applied for permission to meet her, and this I secured. I met her, and she complained to me of loneliness. I introduced her to Miss Mathews who used to be my secretary once in India House and to a princess whom also I knew. Mussolini's wife was incharge of the kitchen especially for the sick people, and I requested her to take special care of Sita Devi.
From this camp I was removed to another camp in a old prison of Rome called the Prison Sam Michael. It was dark. During the day there was not enough light to read, nor did they allow lamps to be burnt in the night except for a moment or so. The air was filthy; all that I had gained in my health in the last camp was lost in two days. As I was feeling unwell, the doctor incharge removed me to infernery. Here there was more light. Here I could read books which I borrowed from my companions there. I was very much interested in reading Star Rover by Jack Landon. There was no fresh air, only once a week that too for five minutes only, we were taken in open air where we could walk. No pencil or paper could be kept by the prisoners. There was a person in the infernery who was suffering very badly as a result of the beating he had received in the prison. Before coming here he had spent one month in hospital, but he was still badly suffering.
On August- 3, Capt. Mitchell of the Indian Security Department came to me and asked me to get ready to leave by aeroplane and that I should not keep much luggage.
I asked him where I was going to. He said, "Probably to India". But when I reached my destination, I discovered that I had been brought to Frankfurt—a place in Germany.
We stopped there for two days and I was a prisoner kept by an American regiment. There were two Indians with me, Gora Dey and Purnand Ghosh. They were kept in different
cells; the prison door was closed but the doors of cells were left open, so we could communicate with one another at night. There was an American negro soldier in one of
these cells. As a colleague he showed much sympathy, offered some packets of cigarettes to all of us, which are the most valuable things in Germany. As I did not smoke, these cigarettes helped me to get different things in exchange which I was badly in need of. In return for these cigarettes I got a blanket and a belt... On 5th August a plane from Paris came to Frankfurt which took us to Bremen. Here, too, we were kept by the American army but not in prison cells, and the food was very excellent, and we got a few books from the army people to read. On the 6th August we were taken by a lorry to Bad Salzuflen which was the head quarter of the Indian Security Department, where we on our arrival learnt that Nambiar was on the upper storey of the building in front of the office along with two other Indians.
Col. Degula was the head of the Indian Security Force Major Gill and Capt. Warren were his assistants. They spoke to me, "You have seen the world but now you have fallen in our hands. We think you are not satisfied with what has happened". "Where is Shaidai ?" Capt. Warren asked me. I replied, I did not know where he was but I would be thankful to him if he could give me some news about him. He replied that Shaidai was in their hands but he could not tell where he was. My papers, money, watches, etc., were taken over by them. When asked to give a receipt for the articles, Major Gill said that there was no need of giving receipt. Articles were put in envelopes on which the name of the owner was written. This over, .1 was removed to a concentration camp where I met some 20 or 22 Indians. I met Prof. Tara Chand Roy, Dr. Dhawan, Dr. Ahuja, Mr. Sen, Dr. Bannerjee, etc. Also, there were in that camp soldiers of Azad Hind Fauj. They were removed from there on the very day I arrived there, and I was told by the authorities that they were being taken to India. Here I fell ill, and was removed to infernery and some days later was removed to the Central Military Hospital. Here I remained till the 28th. When I was better, I was brought back to the camp but on 17th October I was removed to Herford prison. This was a special prison designed to contain young boys. I was given a small cell, closed all the time, but in the afternoon, for half an hour, I was allowed to take a walk in the compound. The young boys there saw that I had no shoes, and [they] prepared (procured?) a pair for me which saw me through all the time I was in Germany.
Here the climate was cold, and I requested to the Commandant to transfer me to some warm place as I could not stand cold but never did I get a reply. One day Col. Degula paid me a visit here. He was accompanied by a captain. He introduced me to the captain in these words, "Here is a man who has been a traitor since 1907." I said I was proud of being called a traitor as explained by Lord Cecil, while addressing to the Bishop of France, to be a man who did not serve British interests. I have never done such a mean thing and shall never do it in my life. I asked Col Degula if, my health being bad and the climate of this place being unsuitable to me, he would do something to have me removed to a warmer place; to this he said, "You are complaining about suffering!" I asked him to have me removed to some hospital.. Without giving any reply Col. Degula and his companion left me, although I called him to stop and I asked for a reply. From that day onwards for the most part I was ill in Germany and lying in hospitals, separated from
my countrymen. An Indian named Gupta from Belgaum, a nice young man, was brought to the military hospital where I was. We were in the same room and could talk to each
other. He used to talk of his kids, whom he always remembered. He was later removed to a civil hospital, and some days later I heard the sad news of his death.
By this time I was a little better, and was sent back to the camp. All of a sudden the British soldiers came to take me to the military hospital. There I was escorted to a room
where an English and a German doctors were sitting. They informed me that I was going to India and, therefore, it was essential that I be thoroughly examined. I was glad to hear the news but was suspicious of their intentions. A few hours later I was taken to X-ray department, examined by a doctor, who told me that on the right apex I had a sort of cataract which he thought was tuberculosis. This was a trick to send me to T.B. barracks, knowing that I was not suffering from tuberculosis, but they wanted me to contract this disease in this way. I was removed there and my bed was placed between two patients suffering very badly, always coughing, one of them spitting blood which displeased me a lot. There I was served no milk, and I complained to the doctor about this, but the doctor said that even the worst patients were denied milk, how I could have it. Orders were that I should always keep myself in bed; not to walk or to move. Seeing it was too dangerous to be always in bed between badly suffering T.B. patients, I resolved to go out and pass days in open air, only coming to barracks for meals. This was the way I thought I might escape contagion, but at nights I was forced to be between these two patients. After a few days I wrote a letter to the doctor incharge to let me have milk as all Indians in the camp were getting it, and I bad been deprived of even one liter which I used to get in the camp. If this was not possible, I be sent back to the camp where I would undergo the treatment prescribed for me. The chief doctor replied that it was impossible to serve me milk, nor was it possible for him to send me back to the camp; but he was proposing to place me in the list of persons who were unfit to remain in this hospital, and he showed me the list wherein I saw my name. I said that the camp doctor had already found me unfit to remain in the camp and the same was verified by the British military doctor, but I was still being kept detained. A few days later I met the British medical incharge of that hospital who had seen me and had agreed that my stay there was prejudicial to my health, and asked him if he could recommend my being sent back to the camp or my being permitted to get milk. He said there was milk shortage in the hospital and he could not help in getting me sent back to the camp. So I had to stay where I was with meagre food and worst tmosphere. While there Prof. Tara Chand Roy and Karta Ram managed twice or thrice to
come to the hospital and paid me visits. On pretexts they were able to come to the hospital, one pretending to suffer from teeth trouble and the other ear [ache], because in the camp there were neither dentists nor specialists in ear diseases. This, however, did not please the authorities as I noticed one day when Col. Srinagesh came to pay me a visit along with Major Warren and the British Medical Officer of the hospital. Major Warren remarked in an ironical way that some Indians used to see me here, and that I was soon going to be removed to civil hospital, which was expected to be much better than the one I was in. He said besides 110,000 liras of mine had been sent to England for conversion into sterling pounds and perhaps into German marks, if I had to stay in Germany. Col. Nagesh also said that my troubles would be over, once I was removed to a civil hospital. Saying this they left me. After that day whenever a car passed near the hospital bearing the name of Indian Military Mission, people came running to me to inform me
to get ready to leave because there was a car which had come to take me away. But this took a long time before I was taken away from there. When I came back to the camp
I was given among other things my silver watch. I enquired of my gold watch and back came the reply they did not know anything about it. Even the machinery of my silver watch had been replaced. This complaint I made to Major Warren, and he promised to look into the matter, and to institute an enquiry, but I never came to know the result of his enquiry. At this I sent a written complaint, but the reply came after I had reached England and this too because I had insisted in my reminders for a reply.
While in hospital I was in touch with many German scientists, industrialists, doctors, etc., they used to make speeches. My reason in establishing contacts with them was that these people could prove helpful in the industries which India needed the most, and had asked capable technicians who could help in the installation of new plants and manufacture of articles of the first quality and had met very many of them capable of organizing industrial enterprises successfully and with marvelous results, as they had been incharge of German industry, in their own spheres. There were, technicians of textile industry, of textile machinery manufacturing, manufacturers of colours and chemicals, drugs and medicines. I made contacts with these persons] with a view, on my arrival in India if it happened some day, to having these competent men brought here one day for various industries, including electrical and radio accessories and starting industries here with Indian capital and help in the progress of our country. If the Indian industrialists or the Indian Government want such people, I am in a position to write to them and get them here. They would very willingly come to India and do this useful work. From the military hospital they took me to Bethel Bielefeld. Here, too, they sent me to T.B. Hospital. On examination the doctor incharge asked me why I was there, saying that this was a place for T.B. patients and not for those who were healthy. "Do you want to contract tuberculosis", said the doctor. "It is not such a thing which should be coveted by
any person." On my narrating to him the whole story, he sympathised with me and sent me to ordinary patients' department. From here I was sent to Hull by a steamer and Dr.
Dhawan accompanied me as far as the steamer. I wanted him to accompany me to London, but he was not allowed to accompany me. There at the steamer my health became bad and Dr. Dhawan gave me an injection and it had its instantaneous effect and I was practically all right. During the journey also I had attacks and Dr. Dhawan had left with me two injections to be used in such contingency, but the doctor on the steamer refused to give me the injection. There on the ship was an Indian doctor named Farouqi.
Dr. Farouqi also tried to impress upon the English doctor the desirability of my getting injection, which was a tried remedy in case of such attacks. But the English doctor thought that there was no need for me to take any medicine, and that I would be all right soon and that the attack was short lived. Upon this Dr. Farouqi had a wordy duel with the English doctor, and later the English doctor apologized for his misbehavior with Dr. Farouqi. Second time when I had the attack the English doctor procrastinated in giving
the injection, and wanted to give me some medicine.
When our ship touched Hull there came a representative from the Indian High Commissioner's Office, named Jawan Bakhat. He came from India House. As soon as he met me. He informed me that he had taken up quarters for me at Hull as there was no place in London. But I insisted that I would go to London as I knew there was place for me. From the ship I was removed to a hospital since I was ill and very weak. During the day I did not get anything to eat. In the evening the food brought to me was very bad
in taste. At 10 p.m. I had another attack. The doctor was sent for and he took a long time to come. He too did not give me injection. Before doing so he said he would examine
my blood and urine. I gave the copies of reports of my examination at Bethel Bielefeld, which were quite recent, but he said he would carry out the examination himself. I asked him since he could not give me injection, if he could send me some glucose. After a pretty long time a nurse came with something which did not taste like glucose. When I asked her what it was, she said she was not prepared to tell what it was, but that I must take it under doctor's instructions. But I asked her to take it back or else I would throw it at her face. In the morning too I did not take the food brought to me.
Luckily from London the Workers' Association had sent Sardar Niranjan Singh and Mr. Patel. They were able to locate my whereabouts in Hull after great search anddifficulty. They had come there to fetch me because, they said, people in London were eagerly looking forward to meet me. I asked them if they could get me some fruits and milk. This
they did. An Indian, who was living in Hull, came to know of my presence there in the hospital and he brought fruits for me. Jawan Bakhat still insisted that I could not go to London because there was acute shortage of accommodation. But Niranjan Singh and Patel in his presence on the phone arranged accommodation for me in London. This quietened Jawan Bakhat. This behaviour of Jawan Bakhat in London won for him since that day a nickname Kain Bakhat or Bad Bakhat.
Even in London Jawan Bakhat created difficulties. A meeting was to be held in Gurudwara to give reception to Indian patriots. I might mention that in my company had
also come some prominent Indians detained in Germany, who had taken part against the British in the war. These Indian patriots were to be honoured. Jawan Bakhat said this meeting could not take place because among Indian patriots there were Hindus and Muslims also. Even Gurudwara management had not raised any such objection and were eager to honour all the patriots irrespective of creed or religion. He also told me that I should not participate in any meeting, nor should I make any speech, and that it was
Panditji's wish; he also discouraged others from making any demonstrations. In spite of this the meeting did take place. Next day a big meeting was arranged. The Indians
from Coventry, Birmingham, Southampton, Yorkshire and other places participated. Representatives from India House came to me in the hotel, and asked me not to attend any meeting and this they said was under instructions from Panditji. When asked them to show his instructions, they only felt embarrassed but insisted on my non-participation in
any meeting. Here at this meeting I was presented a purse of £100. This amount distributed among my companions. My companions left London after a couple of weeks and then I came to Indian Workers' Association. Association people were very careful about me and kept strict vigilance over me lest something should be given to me which might spoil my health. Three cars were placed at my disposal. Sardar Kishen Singh came to London. He used to live some 90 miles from London and brought his car. He remained with me and served me whole heartedly throughout I remained in London. Gurudwara authorities also arranged akhand path. Another festival was also celebrated and feasts were given.
I left London by air on 7th March 1947 and reached Karachi on 8th. Warm reception was given to me in Karachi, and I was profusely garlanded. A meeting was arranged in the Gurudwara. While in Karachi, where stayed for five days, Panditji phoned to me and asked me •when 1 was coming to Delhi and 1 promised to come the next day but fell ill and was delayed for a day or two. From Karachi I came to Delhi where I was received by prominent local Congress workers and Panditji's private secretary.
Here meetings were arranged where I spoke and the Gurudwara also arranged a huge reception for me.
