Written on February
2,1931, this document is a sort of behest to young political workers of India.
Even while waiting for death penalty he was thinking with all clarity about the
future of India. He wanted to equip his compatriots with a clear vision and
emphasized the principles of achieving the goal of complete Independence. His
assessment of the national movement at that time is so correct. This document
consist of two parts on in the form of a letter and followed by notes under the
titles our opportunity, Gandhism, Terrorism, Revolution, Programme and
For some time it has been a puzzle that how it landed in Bengal.
Now we have a first hand evidence as recorded by Comrade Ram Chandera the
President of Naujawan Bharat Sabha in his memoires
“ Naujawan Bharat Sabha and
Hindustan Socialist Republican Association / Army published by author in 1986
page 173.” Comrade Ram Chandra records that “ Bhagt Singh had written a letter
dealing with political situation as it had developed upto that time. This was
brought by late Jaswant Singh a silent and noble revolutionary comrade to
me…. ….. I handed over this letter to Subash in order to get his total
commitment to Naujawan Bharat Sabha. Subash promised to return the letter to me
after the Naujawan Session at Karachi (25th March, 1931 along with Session of
National Indian Congress :ed). To keep his word he searched for me. But as I had
been detained at Karachi he could not return the letter to me. And then it was
So this explains how it reached Calcutta
and must have been read by all type of political workers , and was subsequently
found in Calcutta by police and preserved in totality. It's mutilated version
was published in the news papers then. Which was criticized by Shahid Sukhdev in
one of his letter by these words"
Mr CES Fairweather was police commissioner of Kolkata from 1939 to 1943.
This report along with other police reports of that times have
been since reproduced by West Bengal Government.
“Terrorism in Bengal “
“Vol 1 A collection of documents on Terrorist
Activities from 1905 -1939.” Ed. Amiya K Samanta -1995
Here is the document as
published by Mr. CES Fairweather .
Editor note by Prof. Jagmohan Singh ]
the Development of United Front Movement in Bengal (PAGES 45 to 57 )
programme drafted by Bhagat Singh (hanged) and found in the house search of (detenu)
Mrs. Bimala Pratibha Devi in Calcutta on 3rd October 1931.
Note :- I am
publishing this as I am firmly convinced that all the revolutionary forces at
present moment are tending to operate on the lines indicated in the programme.
We have recently ( in intercepted correspondence ) had a reference to a
“Committee of Action” .Under the scheme the degree of control exercised in the
most open fashion and as such a manner that those in control can never be
connected with criminal activities.
C E S
Young Political Workers.
movement is passing through a very important phase at present. After a year's
fierce struggle some definite proposals regarding the constitutional reforms
have been formulated by the Round Table Conference and the Congress leaders have
been invited to give this *(help if they) think it desirable in the present
circumstances to call off their movement. Whether they decide in favour or
against is a matter of little importance to us. The present movement is bound to
end in some sort of compromise. The compromise may be effected sooner or later.
And compromise is not such ignoble and deplorable a thing as we generally think.
It is rather an indispensable factor in the political strategy. Any nation that
rises against the oppressors is bound to fail in the beginning, and to gain
partial reforms during the medieval period of its struggle through compromises.
And it is only at the last stage - having fully organized all the forces and
resources of the nation - that it can possibly strike the final blow in which it
might succeed to shatter the ruler's government. But even then it might fail,
which makes some sort of compromise inevitable. This can be best illustrated by
the Russian example.
In 1905 a
revolutionary movement broke out in Russia. All the leaders were very hopeful.
Lenin had returned from the foreign countries where he had taken refuge. He was
conducting the struggle. People came to tell him that a dozen landlords were
killed and a score of their mansions were burnt. Lenin responded by telling them
to return and to kill twelve hundred landlords and burn as many of their
palaces. In his opinion that would have meant something if revolution failed.
Duma was introduced. The same Lenin advocated the view of participating in the
Duma. This is what happened in 1907. In 1906 he was opposed to the participation
in this first Duma which had granted more scope of work than this second one
whose rights had been curtailed. This was due to the changed circumstances.
Reaction was gaining the upper hand and Lenin wanted to use the floor of he Duma
as a platform to discuss socialist ideas.
Again after the
1917 revolution, when the Bolsheviks were forced to sign the Brest Litovsk
Treaty, everyone except Lenin was opposed to it. But Lenin said: "Peace". "Peace
and again Peace: peace at any cost-even at the cost of many of the Russian
provinces to be yielded to German War Lord". When some anti-Bolshevik people
condemned Lenin for this treaty, he declared frankly that the Bolsheviks were
not in a position to face the German onslaught and they preferred the treaty to
the complete annihilation of the Bolshevik Government.
The thing that I
wanted to point out was that compromise is an essential weapon which has to be
wielded every now and then as the struggle develops. But the thing that we must
keep always before us is the ideal of the movement. We must always maintain a
clear notion as to the aim for the achievement of which we are fighting. That
helps us to verify the success and failures of our movements and we can easily
formulate the future programme. Tilak's policy, quite apart from the ideal i.e.
his strategy, was the best. You are fighting to get sixteen annas from your
enemy, you get only one anna. Pocket it and fight for the rest. What we note in
the moderates is of their ideal. They start to achieve one anna and they can't
get it. The revolutionaries must always keep in mind that they are striving for
a complete revolution. Complete mastery of power in their hands. Compromises are
dreaded because the conservatives try to disband the revolutionary forces after
the compromise. But able and bold revolutionary leaders can save the movement
from such pitfalls. We must be very careful at such junctures to avoid any sort
of confusion of the real issues especially the goal. The British Labour leaders
betrayed their real struggle and have been reduced to mere hypocrite
imperialists. In my opinion the diehard conservatives are better to us than
these polished imperialist Labour leaders. About the tactics and strategy one
should study life-work of Lenin. His definite views on the subject of compromise
will be found in "Left - Wing Communism.”
I have said that
the present movement, i.e. the present struggle, is bound to end in some sort of
compromise or complete failure.
said that, because in my opinion, this time the real revolutionary forces have
not been invited into the arena. This is a struggle dependent upon the middle
class shopkeepers and a few capitalists. Both these, and particularly the
latter, can never dare to risk its property or possessions in any struggle. The
real revolutionary armies are in the villages and in factories, the peasantry
and the labourers. But our bourgeois leaders do not and cannot dare to tackle
them. The sleeping lion once awakened from its slumber shall become irresistible
even after the achievement of what our leaders aim at. After his first
experience with the Ahmedabad labourers in 1920 Mahatma Gandhi declared: "We
must not tamper with the labourers. It is dangerous to make political use of the
factory proletariat" (The Times, May 1921). Since then, they never dared to
approach them. There remains the peasantry. The Bardoli resolution of 1922
clearly defines the horror the leaders felt when they saw the gigantic peasant
class rising to shake off not only the domination of an alien nation but also
the yoke of the landlords.
It is there that
our leaders prefer a surrender to the British than to the peasantry. Leave alone
Pt. Jawahar Lal. Can you point out any effort to organize the peasants or the
labourers? No, they will not run the risk. There they lack. That is why I say
they never meant a complete revolution. Through economic and administrative
pressure they hoped to get a few more reforms, a few more concessions for the
Indian capitalists. That is why I say that this movement is doomed to die, may
be after some sort of compromise or even without. They young workers who in all
sincerity raise the cry "Long Live Revolution", are not well organized and
strong enough to carry the movement themselves. As a matter of fact, even our
great leaders, with the exception of perhaps Pt. Motilal Nehru, do not dare to
take any responsibility on their shoulders, that is why every now and then they
surrender unconditionally before Gandhi. In spite of their differences, they
never oppose him seriously and the resolutions have to be carried for the
circumstances, let me warn the sincere young workers who seriously mean a
revolution, that harder times are coming. Let them beware lest they should get
confused or disheartened. After the experience made through two struggles of the
Great Gandhi, we are in a better position to form a clear idea of our present
position and the future programme.
Now allow me to state the case in the simplest manner. You cry "Long
Live Revolution." Let me assume that you really mean it. According to our
definition of the term, as stated in our statement in the Assembly Bomb Case,
revolution means the complete overthrow of the existing social order and its
replacement with the socialist order. For that purpose our immediate aim is the
achievement of power. As a matter of fact, the state, the government machinery
is just a weapon in the hands of the ruling class to further and safeguard its
interest. We want to snatch and handle it to utilise it for the consummation of
our ideal, i.e., social reconstruction on new, i.e., Marxist, basis. For this
purpose we are fighting to handle the government machinery. All along we have to
educate the masses and to create a favourable atmosphere for our social
programme. In the struggles we can best train and educate them.
things clear before us, i.e., our immediate and ultimate object having been
clearly put, we can now proceed with the examination of the present situation.
We must always be very candid and quite business-like while analysing any
that since a hue and cry was raised about the Indians' participation in and
share in the responsibility of the Indian government, the Minto-Morley Reforms
were introduced, which formed the Viceroy's council with consultation rights
only. During the Great War, when the Indian help was needed the most, promises
about self-government were made and the existing reforms were introduced.
Limited legislative powers have been entrusted to the Assembly but subject to
the goodwill of the Viceroy. Now is the third stage.
reforms are being discussed and are to be introduced in the near future.
How can our young men judge them? This is a question; I do not know by what
standard are the Congress leaders going to judge them. But for us, the
revolutionaries, we can have the following criteria:
1. Extent of
responsibility transferred to the shoulders of the Indians.
2. From of the
Government institutions that are going to be introduced and the extent of the
right of participation given to the masses.
prospects and the safeguards.
might require a little further elucidation. In the first place, we can easily
judge the extent of responsibility given to our people by the control our
representatives will have on the executive. Up till now, the executive was never
made responsible to the Legislative Assembly and the Viceroy had the veto power,
which rendered all the efforts of the elected members futile. Thanks to the
efforts of the Swaraj Party, the Viceroy was forced every now and then to use
these extraordinary powers to shamelessly trample the solemn decisions of the
national representatives under foot. It is already too well known to need
Now in the first
place we must see the method of the executive formation: Whether the executive
is to be elected by the members of a popular assembly or is to be imposed from
above as before, and further, whether it shall be responsible to the house or
shall absolutely affront it as in the past?
As regards the
second item, we can judge it through the scope of franchise. The property
qualifications making a man eligible to vote should be altogether abolished and
universal suffrage be introduced instead. Every adult, both male and female,
should have the right to vote. At present we can simply see how far the
franchise has been extended.
I may here make a
mention about provincial autonomy. But from whatever I have heard, I can only
say that the Governor imposed from above, equipped with extraordinary powers,
higher and above the legislative, shall prove to be no less than a despot. Let
us better call it the "provincial tyranny" instead of "autonomy." This is a
strange type of democratisation of the state institutions.
third item is quite clear. During the last two years the British politicians
have been trying to undo Montague's promise for another dole of reforms to be
bestowed every ten years till the British Treasury exhausts.
We can see what
they have decided about the future.
me make it clear that we do not analyse these things to rejoice over the
achievement, but to form a clear idea about our situation, so that we may
enlighten the masses and prepare them for further struggle. For us, compromise
never means surrender, but a step forward and some rest. That is all and nothing
the present situation, let us proceed to discuss the future programme and the
line of action we ought to adopt.
have already stated, for any revolutionary party a definite programme is very
essential. For, you must know that revolution means action. It means a change
brought about deliberately by an organized and systematic work, as opposed to
sudden and unorganised or spontaneous change or breakdown. And for the
formulation of a programme, one must necessarily study:
1. The goal.
2. The premises from where we are to start, i.e., the existing conditions.
3. The course of action, i.e., Means and Methods.
one has a clear notion about these three factors, one cannot discuss anything
have discussed the present situation to some extent. The goal also has been
slightly touched. We want a socialist revolution, the indispensable preliminary
to which is the political revolution. That is what we want. The political
revolution does not mean the transfer of state (or more crudely, the power) from
the hands of the British to the Indian, but to those Indians who are at one with
us as to the final goal, or to be more precise, the power to be transferred to
the revolutionary party through popular support. After that, to proceed in right
earnest is to organize the reconstruction of the whole society on the socialist
basis. If you do not mean this revolution, then please have mercy. Stop shouting
"Long Live Revolution." The term revolution is too sacred, at least to us, to be
so lightly used or misused. But if you say you are for the national revolution
and the aims of your struggle is an Indian republic of the type of the United
State of America, then I ask you to please let me know on what forces you rely
that will help you bring about that revolution. The only forces on which you can
rely to bring about that revolution whether national or the socialist, are the
peasantry and the labour. Congress leaders do not dare to organize those forces.
You have seen it in this movement. They know it better than anybody else that
without these forces they are absolutely helpless. When they passed the
resolution of complete independence - that really meant a revolution - they did
not mean it. They had to do it under pressure of the younger element, and then
they wanted to use it as a threat to achieve their hearts' desire - Dominion
Status. You can easily judge it by studying the resolutions of the last three
sessions of the Congress. I mean Madras, Calcutta and Lahore. At Calcutta, they
passed a resolution asking for Dominion Status within twelve months, otherwise
they would be forced to adopt complete independence as their object, and in all
solemnity waited for some such gift till midnight after the 31st December, 1929.
Then they found themselves "honour bound" to adopt the Independence resolution,
otherwise they did not mean it. But even then Mahatma Ji made no secret of the
fact that the door (for compromise) was open. That was the real spirit. At the
very outset they knew that their movement could not but end in some compromise.
It is this half-heartedness that we hate, not the compromise at a particular
stage in the struggle. Anyway, we were discussing the forces on which you can
depend for a revolution. But if you say that you will approach the peasants and
labourers to enlist their active support, let me tell you that they are not
going to be fooled by any sentimental talk. They ask you quite candidly: what
are they going to gain by your revolution for which you demand their sacrifices,
what difference does it make to them whether Lord Reading is the head of the
Indian government or Sir Purshotamdas Thakordas? What difference for a peasant
if Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru replaces Lord Irwin! It is useless to appeal to his
national sentiment. You can't "use" him for your purpose; you shall have to mean
seriously and to make him understand that the revolution is going to be his and
for his good. The Revolution of the proletariat and for the proletariat.
have formulated this clear-cut idea about your goals you can proceed in right
earnest to organize your forces for such an action. Now there are two different
phases through which you shall have to pass. First, the Preparation; second, the
present movement ends, you will find disgust and some disappointment amongst the
sincere revolutionary workers. But you need not worry. Leave sentimentalism
aside. Be prepared to face the facts. Revolution is a very difficult task. It is
beyond the power of any man to make a revolution. Neither can it be brought
about on any appointed date. It is brought can it be brought about on an
appointed date. It is brought about by special environments, social and
economic. The function of an organized party is to utilise any such opportunity
offered by these circumstances. And to prepare the masses and organise the
forces for the revolution is a very difficult task. And that requires a very
great sacrifice on the part of the revolutionary workers. Let me make it clear
that if you are a businessman or an established worldy or family man, please
don't play with fire. As a leader you are of no use to the party. We have
already very many such leaders who spare some evening hours for delivering
speeches. They are useless. We require - to use the term so dear to Lenin - the
"professional revolutionaries". The whole-time workers who have no other
ambitions or life-work except the revolution. The greater the number of such
workers organised into a party, the greater the chances of your success.
proceed systematically, what you need the most is a party with workers of the
type discussed above with clear-cut ideas and keen perception and ability of
initiative and quick decisions. The party shall have iron discipline and it need
not necessarily be an underground party, rather the contrary. Though the policy
of voluntarily going to jail should altogether be abandoned. That will create a
number of workers who shall be forced to lead an underground life. They should
carry on the work with the same zeal. And it is this group of workers that shall
produce worthy leaders for the real opportunity.
The party requires workers which can be recruited only through the Youth
movement. Hence we find the Youth movement as the starting point of our
programme. The youth movement should organize study circles, class lectures and
publication of leaflets, pamphlets, books and periodicals. This is the best
recruiting and training ground for political workers.
young men who may have matured their ideas and may find themselves ready to
devote their life to the cause, may be transferred to the party. The party
workers shall always guide and control the work of the Youth movement as well.
The party should start with the work of mass propaganda. It is very essential.
One of the fundamental causes of the failure of the efforts of the Ghadar Party
(1914-15) was the ignorance, apathy and sometimes active opposition of the
masses. And apart from that, it is essential for gaining the active sympathy of
and organising the peasants and workers. The name of party or rather, a
communist party. This party of political workers, bound by strict discipline,
should handle all other movements. It shall have to organize the peasants' and
workers' parties, labour unions, and may even venture to capture the Congress
and kindred political bodies. And in order to create political consciousness,
not only of national politics but class politics as well as the party should
organize a big publishing campaign. Subjects on all proletens ( problems)
enlightening the masses of the socialist theory shall be within easy reach and
distributed widely. The writings should be simple and clear.
There are certain people in the labour movement who enlist some absurd ideas
about the economic liberty of the peasants and workers without political
freedom. They are demagogues or muddle-headed people. Such ideas are
unimaginable and preposterous. We mean the economic liberty of the masses, and
for that very purpose we are striving to win the political power. No doubt in
the beginning, we shall have to fight for little economic demands and privileges
of these classes. But these struggles are the best means for educating them for
a final struggle to conquer political power.
from these, there shall necessarily be organized a military department. This is
very important. At times its need is felt very badly. But at that time you
cannot start and formulate such a group with substantial means to act
effectively. Perhaps this is the topic that needs a careful explanation. There
is very great probability of my being misunderstood on this subject. Apparently
I have acted like a terrorist. But I am not a terrorist. I am a revolutionary
who has got such definite ideas of a lengthy programme as is being discussed
here. My "comrades in arms" might accuse me, like Ram Prasad Bismil, for having
been subjected to certain sort of reaction in the condemned cell, which is not
true. I have got the same ideas, same convictions, same zeal and same spirit as
I used to have outside, perhaps-nay, decidedly-better. Hence I warn my readers
to be careful while reading my words. They should not try to read anything
between the lines. Let me announce with all the strength at my command, that I
am not a terrorist and I never was, expect perhaps in the beginning of my
revolutionary career. And I am convinced that we cannot gain anything through
those methods. One can easily judge it from the history of the Hindustan
Socialist Republican Association. All our activities were directed towards an
aim, i.e., identifying ourselves with the great movement as its military wing.
If anybody has misunderstood me, let him amend his ideas. I do not mean that
bombs and pistols are useless, rather the contrary. But I mean to say that mere
bomb-throwing is not only useless but sometimes harmful. The military department
of the party should always keep ready all the war-material it can command for
any emergency. It should back the political work of the party. It cannot and
should not work independently.
these lines indicated above, the party should proceed with its work. Through
periodical meetings and conferences they should go on educating and enlightening
their workers on all topics.
start the work on these lines, you shall have to be very sober. The programme
requires at least twenty years for its fulfillment. Cast aside the youthful
dreams of a revolution within ten years of Gandhi's utopian promises of Swaraj
in One Year. It requires neither the emotion nor the death, but the life of
constant struggle, suffering and sacrifice. Crush your individuality first.
Shake off the dreams of personal comfort. Then start to work. Inch by inch you
shall have to proceed. It needs courage, perseverance and very strong
determination. No difficulties and no hardships shall discourage you. No failure
and betrayals shall dishearten you. No travails (!) imposed upon you shall snuff
out the revolutionary zeal in you. Through the ordeal of sufferings and
sacrifice you shall come out victorious. And these individual victories shall be
the valuable assets of the revolution.
Indian freedom is not perhaps any longer a far distant dream ; events are moving
apace and it may become a reality sooner than we expect . British Imperialism is
admittedly in a tight corner. Germany is about to topple down , France is
tottering, even the United States shaky. And their difficulty is our
opportunity. Everything points to that long prophesised eventuality – the
ultimate and inevitable breakdown of the Capitalistic order of Society.
Diplomats may agree to save themselves and Capitalistic conspiracy may yet keep
wolf of Revolution away from their doors. The British budget may be balanced,
the moribund mark granted some hours of respite and King Dollar may retain his
crown ; but the trade depression if continued and continued it must be , we
know the members of unemployed being multiplied daily as a result of the
Capitalistic race in production and competition is bound to throw the
Capitalistic system out of gear in the months to come. The Revolution is
,therefore , no longer a prophecy and prospect --- but “ practical politics” for
thoughtful planning and remorseless execution. Let there be no confusion of
thought as to its aspect or as to its immediacy , its methods and its objective.
should not have any illusion about the possibilities, failures and achievements
of Congress movement, which should be, as it is to-day, be better stamped
Gandhism . It does not stand for freedom avowedly ; it is in favour of
“Parternership” – a strange interpretation of what “ complete independence”
signifies. Its method is novel, and but for the helplessness of the people.
Gandhism would gain no adherent for the Saint of Sabarmati . It has fulfilled
and is fulfilling the role of an intermediate party of Liberal Radical
combination fighting shy of reality of the situation and controlled mostly by
men with stakes in the country, who prize their stakes with bourgeoise tenacity,
and it is bound to stagnate unless rescued from its own fate by an infusion of
Revolutionary blood. It must be saved from its friends.
us be clear on this thorny question of terrorism. The cult of the bomb is old
as 1905 and it is a sad comment on Revolutionary India that they have not yet
realized its use and misuse. Terrorism is a confession that the Revolutionary
mentality has not penetrated down into the masses. It is thus a confession of
our failure. In the initial stages it had its use; it shook the torpor out of
body politic, enkindled the imagination of young intelligentsia, fired their
spirit of self-sacrifice and demonstrated before the world and before our
enemies the truth and the strength of the movement. But by itself it is not
enough. Its history is a history of failure in every land – France, in Russia,
in Balkan countries, in Germany, in Spain every where. It bears the germ of
defeat within itself. The Imperialist knows that to rule 300 millions he must
sacrifice 30 of his men annually .The pleasure of ruling may be bombed out or
pistolled down, but the practical gain from exploitation will make him stick to
his post. Even though arms were as readily available as we hope for, and were it
pushed with a thoroughness unknown any where else, terrorism can at most force
the Imperialist power to come to terms with party. Such terms a little more or
less, must fall short of our objective – complete independence. Terrorism thus
hope to wring out what Gandhism bids fair to attain – a compromise and an
installment of reforms – a replacement of a white rule at Delhi by a brown rule.
It is aloof from the life of the masses and once installed on the throne runs
the risk of being petrified into a tyranny. The Irish parallel, I have to warn,
does not apply in our case. In Ireland it was not sporadic terroristic
activities she witnessed; it was a nation wide rising, the rank and file were
bound by an intimate knowledge and sympathy with the gunmen. Arms they could
have very easily, and the American –Irish poured out their money. Topography
favoured such a warfare, and Ireland after all had to be satisfied with an
unaccomplished movement. It has lessened the bonds but not released the Irish
proletariat from the shackles of the Capitalist, native and foreign. Ireland is
a lesson to India and a warning –warning how nationalistic idealism devoid of
Revolutionary social basis although with all other circumstances in its favor,
may (be?) lost itself in the shoals of a compromise with Imperialism. Should
India, if she could imitate Ireland still?
In a sense
Gandhism with its counter –revolutionary creed of quietism makes a nearer
approach to the revolutionary ideas. For it counts on mass action, though not
for the masses alone. They have paved the way for the proletariat revolution by
trying to harness them, however crudely and selfishly to its political programme
. The Revolutionary must give to the angle of non- violence his due.
The devil of
terrorism needs, however, no compliments. The terrorist has done much, taught us
much and has his use still , provided we do not make a confusion of our aims
and means , at desperate moments we can make of terrorist outrages our best
publicity works but it is none the less fire works and should be reserved for a
chosen few . Let not the revolutionary be lashed round and round the vicious
circle of aimless outrages and individual self-immolation. The inspiring ideal
for all and sundry workers should not be that of dying for the cause but of
living for the cause, and living usefully and worthily
Needless to point out, that we do not repudiate terrorist activities altogether.
We want to asses its proper value from the standpoint of proletariat
Revolution. The youth, who is found not to fit in with the cold and silent
organization work, has another role to play- he is to be released from the dry
work and allowed to fulfill his destiny. But the controlling body should always
forsee the possible reaction of the deed on the party, the masses and on the
enemy. It may divert the attention of the first two from militant mass action to
the stirring sensational action and it may supply to last with clues for
striking at the root of the whole party In either case it does not advance the
Secret military organization is, however, not an anathema. Indeed it is the
front line, “the firing line’’ of the Revolutionary party ;must be linked with
the “base” formed by a mobile and militant mass party. Collections of arms and
finances for organization are therefore to be under taken without any scruple.
we mean by Revolution is quite plan. In this century it can mean only one thing
-the capture of the political power by the masses for the masses. It is in fact
The Revolution. Other risings attempt a mere change of your lordships, trying to
perpetuate the rotting capitalistic order No amount of profession of sympathy
for the people and the popular cause can ultimately hoodwink the masses about
the true nature and portent of such superficial replacement . In India too, we
want nothing less then the regime of the Indian proletariat in the place of the
Indian Imperialists and their native allies who are barricaded behind the same
eronomic system of exploration . We can suffer no black evil to replace the
white evil . The evils have a community of interest to do any such thing .
proletariat revolution is the only weapon of India to dislodge the Imperialist.
Nothing else can attain this object . Nationalists of all shades are agreed on
the objective- Independence of the Imperialists. They must realise
rebelliousness of the masses is the motive force behind their agitation and
militant mass action alone can push it to success. Having no recourse to it
easily, they always delude themselves with the vision of the what they consider
a temporary remedy but quick and effective remedy, viz overthrowing the foreign
rule by an armed opposition of a few hundreds of determined idealist
nationalists and then reconstructing the State on Socialistic lines . They
should see into reality of the situation, arms are not plenty, and in the modern
world the insurrection of an untrained body isolated from the militant masses
stands no chance of success. The nationalists to be effective must harness the
nation into action, into revolt And the nation are not the loud- speakers of
the Congress-it is the peasants and the labourers who formed more than 95 per
cent of India. The nation will stir itself to action only on assurance of
nationalization. i.e.. freedom from slavery of Imperialist – capitalists.
we need to keep in mind is that no revolution can succeed or is to be desired,
but the proletariat revolution
THE PROGRAMME .
need of hour is therefore for a clear, honest programme for the revolution, and
determined action for realization of the programme.
1917 before the October Revolution had come off Lenin , still in hiding in
Moscow , wrote that for a successful revolution three condition are essential
political- economic situation
rebellious mass mind , and
party of revolutionaries , trained and determined to lead the masses when the
hour of trial arrives :--
first condition has been more than fulfilled in India ; the second and third yet
await finally and completeness . To mobilise them is the work before all workers
of freedom and the programme should be farmed with that end in view. We propose
to discuss its outline in the following and our suggestion on each section are
to be detailed out in the Appendix A and Appendix B .
(1) The base
The foremost duty before workers is to mobiles the masses for militant mass
action. We need not his play on his blind prejudices , sentiment, piety or
passive idealism . Our promises to him are not mere sops or half a loaf. They
are complete and concrete , and we can be with him sincere and plain , and
should never create in his mind any miasma of prejudices . The revolution is for
him, for to name only the prominent heads:--
1Abolition of Landlordism.
the peasants’ indebtedness.
of land by the Revolutionary State with a view finally to lead to improved and
security as to housing
5Abolition of all
charges on the peasantry except a minimum of unitary land tax.
of the Industries and industrialization of the country.
8Reduction of the
hours of work to the minimum necessary.
masses are bound to respond to such a programme - we have only to reach them. It
is the supreme task. Enforced ignorance on their part, and apathy of the
intelligent classes on the other, have created an artificial barrier between the
educated revolutionary and his less fortunate comrade of the sickle and the
hammer. That must be demolished by the revolutionary and for that purpose.
Congress platform is to be availed of.
Trade Union are to be captured and new Unions and bodies shaped and modelled on
3Ryat Union are to be formed to organize them on the issues indicated.
4Every social and philanthropic organization (even the cooperative societies)
that offers an opportunity to approach the masses should be secretly entered
into and its activities controlled so as to further the real objective.
Unions are Committees of artisans workers as well as intellectual workers and
are to be set up everywhere
are the lines of approach for the educated and trained revolutionary to reach
the masses. And once they are reached, they can be moved easily by a training,
at first in aggressive assertion, of their rights, and later on, by militant
offensives like strikes combined with sabotage.
THE REVOLUTIONARY PARTY
on the active group of Revolutionary that the main task of reaching the masses
as well as preparing them for the action rests. They are the mobile, determined
mind which will energise the nation into a militant life. As circumstances arise
they come and will also come for some time longer from the ranks of the
revolutionary intelligentsia, who have broken away from their bourgeois or petty
bourgeois traditions. The revolutionary party will be composed of these souls
and they will gather around them the more and more active recruits from the
labour, peasant or small artisan classes. It will be mainly a body of
revolutionary- intellectuals , men and women , and on them will devolve the
duty of planning and executing, publicity and propaganda, initiating and
organizing , or coordinating the activities and linking up the different unions
into an offensive, of seducing the army and the police and forming the army of
revolution with themselves and these forces , of offering combined and organised
armed resistance in the shape of raids and risings , of mobilising forces for
mass insurrection and fearlessly guiding them(that?) when that hour comes. In
fact they are the brains of the movement. Hence what they will require is
character, i.e , capacity for initiative and revolutionary leadership and above
all it should be disciplined and strengthened by an intensive study of politics
, economic problems , of history and social tendencies , and current diplomatic
relations, of the progressive sciences and the science and art of modern warfare
. Revolution is the creation of hard thinkers and hard workers. Unfortunately,
the intellectual equipment of the Indian Revolutionaries is often neglected, but
this has made them lose sight of the essential of revolution as well as the
proper bearing of their actions. So a revolutionary must make of his studies a
party, it is clear, can in certain matters act openly and publicly It should not
be secret in so far as it can help it. This will disarm suspicion and will
bestow on it prestige and power. The Party will have to shoulder high
responsibilities, So it will be convenient to divide it into certain committees
for every area with special tasks allocated to each of them. The division should
be flexible, and according to the needs of the hour or on the study of the
possibilities of a member, he should be assigned duties under any such local
committee. The local committees are subordinate to the Provincial Boards, and
they in their turn to the Supreme Council. The work of liaison “ linking
“within the province should be the concern of the P .B and inter-provincial
liaison is to be maintained by the Supreme Council All sporadic actions or
disintegrating Factors are to be checked but over centralisation is not
feasible, and hence better not be attempted yet.
the local committees should work in close cooperation having on each one
representative of other committee. The Committee should be small, composite and
efficient, never allowed to degenerate into discussion clubs.
local Revolutionary Party in each area should have :-
Committee: - Recruitment, propaganda amongst military, general policy,
organization. Co-ordination of the popular Unions (See App. A)
(b) Committee of
Finance :- This Committee may be composed with a majority of Women members . On
it rests the most difficult of all takes and hence it should have ungrudging
help from the others. The source of Finance are :- Voluntary contribution ,
Forced contribution ( Govt. money ). Foreign capitalist and Banking houses,
native one in order of precedence, outrages on private personal wealth (however
repugnant to our policy reacts against the party and should not be encouraged),
Contraband sources (embezzlement ).
(c) Committee of
action:- Its composition : A secret body for sabotage , collection of arms .
training for insurrection.
Younger: Espionage, local military survey (b) Experts: collection of arms ,
military training etc.
(d) Committee of
Women: - Through no artificial barrier is recognized between men and women, yet
for the sake of convenience and safety of the party there should be for the time
being such a body entirely responsible for its own members. They may be put in
entire charge of the (b) F. C .and of the considerable activities of the (a ) G
. C . Their scope on (c ) is very limited . Their primary duties will be to
revolutionise the women folk and select from them active members for direct
might beconcluded from the programme outlined that there is no short cut to
Revolution or freedom. It cannot “dawn on us one fine morning”, That would, were
it possible, be a sad day. Without the base work, without the militant masses
and the party ready in every way, it would be a failure. So we have to stir
ourselves. And we have to remember all the time that the capitalistic order is
drifting ahead for a disaster – the catastrophe will come off perhaps ,in course
of two or three years . And if we still dissipate our energies or do not mobiles
the revolutionary forces the crisis will come and find us wanting. Let us be
warned and accept two and three years plan of Revolution.
Duties of the General Committee.
Recruiting groups :-A country-wide youth league chain which is almost complete
.It has be linked together and most closely co-operate with the other Schools,
Colleges, Gymnasiums, Clubs, Libraries, Study circles, Welfare association and
even Ashrams - every inch of it are to be nabbed by the Youth Movement
Press is the best medium, but in rural areas the platform is to be utilized.
Nothing is so helpful for workers and the masses as cheap, plainly written
periodicals, books or leaflets. A warning is to be given against the present
supply – the stuff we consume. It is not an easy art to say what one has to say
and make other hear him. Special duty of seducing the military should be
assigned to tried workers , e g , 27 per cent of the army of the Punjabi
Musalman are to be tampered by their Punjabi kinsmen .The Gurkhas are a problem,
the Sikhs , Marhattas and Rajputs are not so .
Substitution of the bureaucratic authority by that of the masses. The Union of
labourers, ryots, artisans, in their aggressive struggle to enforce their own
right must be trained for the revolutionary offensive for capture of the
Calling for representatives of the local union, to from the local general
Committees, calling for representatives to form the central committee of the
party, and for delegates from time to time to meet in conferences for deciding
on policy or programme.
Besides the forgoing, the selection of the personal and members of other
Duties of the Committee of Action .
classes of members (1) Junior & Women (ii) Senior. It is to be in charge of the
- Its membership is bound to be not large but efficient. It should insist on a
rigorous discipline. It will supply the leaders for the Revolutionary “ Red’’
Army, hence, extreme care and caution should be taken in its composition, and
its existence and activities are to be kept secret from the ordinary members of
Duty of the Junior & Women .
(1 ) Espionage
and intelligence supply (2 ) Collection of Arms ;- to the present method should
be added the method of direct acquisition through international sources ; ( 3 )
Members should be a sent to Western Countries for the purpose and the for
learning the use of arms , e .g . , Lewis and Vickers guns, preparation of hand-
grenades , etc; ( 4 ) Action – Survey of the locality. (The Government maps are
to be spotted showing routes, canals possible shelters for members.) The model
is indicated below from “Field notes, Afghanistan, 1914. “)
Physical Features, General Boundary, Rivers, Flood seasons, Bridges, Forts and
Ferries , Navigability , Waistes.
Populations , Religion; Language, Tribes , Castes , Distinctive dress and
Supply – Fodder , firewood , grain transport , Ponies , Mules , Bullocks ,
Donkeys , Horses , Camels , Motors and Buses .
– Police, Military Police – Military their strength, their activities if
tempered, Outpost stations , cantonments . Distribution of Police, of the
military police , of the infantry , cavalry or artillery – of arms and magazines
, guns, pistols , rifles , small arms and big arms . Possible fighting men from
the locality – hostile and friendly –
“Roads: Description and a chart as follows
………………to ……………… ….Miles
Stages: …………………..stop …………………Miles
Nature: Metalled – Motorable - Kutcha , etc
Obstacles; Difficult in rains, etc
supply, fuel, fodder connection, with remarks.
volunteer corps – University corps, etc. Thorough study of the “Field Service
Regulation “ Vol. I And Vol. II is bound to be profitable . This knowledge is
essential. Study of more military Literature and acquaintance with wherever
possible, Soldiers in barracks and cantons to be encouraged .
Duty of the Seniors
Action of Finance : To be undertaken at the request of F .C and G .C with
their sanction . To be limited to public money and Foreign capitalistic gains ,
for the present The effect on popularity and unpopularity , should be final
test for such action .
On behalf of the
Unions at the direction of G .C
See foregoing .
Against individual only in very extreme cases when his offence is against the
public, not against mere groups or individual. Generally to be discouraged
unless forged circumstances .
When the Supreme
Council directs. Group rising essential. Raids for arms.